
Pacific island communities have long practiced traditional methods of preserving their valuable food sources, such as imposing seasonal bans and temporary no-take areas. These methods have been based on a system of community marine tenure—the right to own or control an inshore area—that has been informally recognized by villagers and local chiefs. Fiji’s long-established system of local marine tenure consists of qoliqolis, or traditional fishing grounds that are under the control of the communities adjacent to them. Qoliqolis have some legal recognition and are officially referred to as “customary fishing rights areas.” They are accurately mapped, delineated, and bound by survey lines, with records maintained by the Native Fisheries Commission. There are 385 marine and 25 freshwater qoliqolis in Fiji. The resources from these provide livelihoods for approximately 300,000 people living in coastal villages.
Traditionally, management of qoliqolis included temporary closures of these fishing zones, limitations on the number of fishers or the amount of fish they could harvest, restrictions on using certain fishing practices, and the imposition of a tabu, or prohibition, on fishing for certain species. In addition, sacred fishing grounds were recognized by communities, and temporary moratoria on fishing were sometimes imposed as part of traditional ceremonies. For example, a 100-day tabu on using certain fishing areas was often declared as a token of respect when a high chief died. When the tabu ended, villagers harvested fish again and held a large feast to end the mourning period.
Today, many communities maintain such customary practices, with varying levels of compliance. Chiefs are applying this customary tabu concept to more practical ends—to protect spawning or overexploited areas and to increase fish stocks— with mounting interest and success. They are linking their traditional practices with modern techniques—assessing fish stocks, measuring potential no-take zones, monitoring the tabu area—to establish locally managed marine areas.
Communities set aside at least part of an LMMA as a restricted area, typically 10-15 percent of the village’s fishing waters, in order to allow habitat and resources to recover from fishing pressure. The location and size of the tabu area is determined by members of the community, depending on how much they feel they can close and still meet their needs. The community may also choose a spot that is easy to police, and not necessarily a rich fishing area. Technical experts may offer their advice to the community on optimal placement of the tabu area, but ultimately the community itself has the final say about location. Thus an LMMA is significantly different from a marine reserve or marine protected area. In a marine protected area, a central body, often a national government, makes all decisions, often from afar and with little or no local input.



